Its now our task to examine the various social bodies and forces at work in the Strike and from a study of their relationship find lessons valuable to the workers in their struggle against the employing class. The Government and the Employers -- the old revolutionary statement that "the State is but the executive committee of the ruling class" was well justified by the events of 1926. From the beginning to the end of the struggle the "Constitution" was on the side of the mine-owners. All the old social-democratic nonsense of the State being above classes was cruelly pushed aside by the employers and their government. Although the Conservative Party was in power, the Liberal Party was whole-heartedly behind the coalowners. In times of strike the Popular Front sham of "progressive" Liberalism is flung away and the Liberal coalowner is at one with his Tory brother coalowner. The Popular Front can wait until the next Generation Election.
A fairly large Fascist movement existed in 1926 in the form of the British Fascisti. Forgotten were the "social message" and "workers' charter" of Fascism. The Fascists joined the O.M.S. and drove lorries or unloaded ships as did other blacklegs.
The roll of the leaders of the T.U.C. and the Labour Party was particularly despicable for they had always been opposed to the General Strike and never at any time had they withdrawn their opposition to it. By leading a struggle to which they were opposed they played the part of agents-provocateur. It seems that the labour leaders believed that a struggle in defence of the miners was inevitable and that it was better to initiate the fight in order to control and hamstring it. In any case, what treachery lacked cowardice made.
"It must not be forgotten that apart from the rights and wrongs of the calling of a General Strike, there would in any case, with the miners' lockout, have been widespread unofficial fighting in all parts of the country, which would have produced anarchy in the movement."
Ernest Bevin in The Record